Desert of Man

Writing. Culture. Politics. Wandering.

Prelude to the burning of the Marlan Memory.

IMG_1444For as long as the Accords had been in place, military doctrine across the human polities had been firmly embedded in a code of morality embraced by the societies it deigned to shelter from the brutalities of armed conflict. Or so it was believed in those societies, from the Netboys in the streets of the various capitals, to bankers travelling firm in their projections of gain and loss and politicians vested in their various assemblies and illusions of centralised power.

The turn of events in the system of Marlan was a product of civil and common desires shared by all polities – of a status quo of life seperate from the vaguaries of armed conflict beyond the sheltered gravity wells – meeting the very essence of military doctrine required to deal in realities rather than wishes and wants. Armed conflict, an integral part of doctrine, was one thing. Limited, remote and for the most part entirely subject to tactical prowesse and mission scope of commanders present. War unfortunately, as much a required element of doctrine, was something else. A larger, and to some admirals and captains a grander, perspective on the nature of conflict, even life itself, and the mandate of securing interests.

Van White, Grand Admiral and architect of the Republic’s political and military doctrine following its Unification War was one of those who embraced that larger perspective of war as a grander view on the military’s duty of safeguarding the interests of the state and its people. A perspective presented and embraced as an almost romantic notion of valiance and initiative, yet one firmly rooted in a strictly numerical and cold framework of theory and methodology. While military doctrine in all of the polities shared very common elements like the necessity of making conflict short, sharp and decisive, it was van White’s theories that ultimately fractured the unconsciously yet carefully constructed foundation of illusions beneath the idea of conflict seperate from civil life.

Under van White’s doctrine the presented object of war was not to compel leaders of people to make peace, but to compel people themselves to embrace peace. Logically, in her view, that required a strict focus on the disarming of the enemy, carefully constructing conditions to clarify the oppressive costs of continuation of conflict as opposed to the lesser costs of surrender. To van White it was clear that polities and their leaders share interests strategic and personal alike, while the common man and woman in the street are elements of dependancies in the carefully constructed pyramids of power that even in their relative efficiency remain entirely arbitrary in inherent instability.

In the decades prior to the First Conflagration between human polities van White had ensured that her theories became not only the framework of military doctrine for the Republic, but through careful collaboration with industry she had instigated a cultural patterning of its populace towards embracing a connected philosophy. One of intrinsic mandates of the military as integral part of organisation of life itself. A philosophy creating a conviction of a society seperate from the rest of the human species. An ideology of personal liberty through collective self determination. An intellectual endeavor carefully constructed by the General Staff, advertised throughout all venues of entertainment industries, embraced by educational institutes, resulting decades later in a society that held itself as superior and deserving of praise, and rule.

“In order to secure the means of continued self determination of our people in the future”, van White wrote in her memoires, “segregating from other human societies and shattering the fabric of archaic illusions is as permissable as creating other illusions on rights and roles of man as an instrument of organisation in service of collective self determination”. On her deathbed, mere days after the publication of her memoires she whispered to her faithful friend M. Giller, who was to become Head of State that very day himself, “I have given us dreams, but if we are to stand our ground in this universe we must have our own mythology. We cannot have that without heroes and memories, you must give us those heroes, you must charge them with creating memories for our future”.

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One comment on “Prelude to the burning of the Marlan Memory.

  1. Mack
    May 31, 2013

    On second thought, reading it once again, I can’t get myself to kill her. Time for a rewrite, perhaps it is an idea to explore inserting a meme of “missing years”. We’ll see.

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This entry was posted on May 26, 2013 by in Muse, Musings, Write and tagged , .
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